Wednesday, 2 November 2011

The threat of unrestricted cross media ownership in Zimbabwe

The threat of unrestricted cross-media ownership in Zimbabwe
L.T. Nkomo                                                    IFSDZ PAPER       11/2011
Background
The application for a commercial radio licence by Zimbabwe Newspapers (1980) Ltd (Zimpapers) has sparked debate on cross-media ownership to the extent that Dr Chimedza, one of the board members of the Zimpapers used the Herald newspaper to accuse Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, of attempting to interfere with the activities of BAZ regarding their application for a commercial radio licence. BAZ is currently holding public interviews of the shortlisted applicants who include Vox Media Production (VOP), Hot Media and AB Communications in addition to Zimpapers Talk Radio. The complaint from Prime Minister, M. Tsvangirai is premised on the reasoning that those that own newspapers must not own radio or television stations because of potential hindrances to information pluralism. In other words, the dominance by one media group in more than one media stream will harm democracy in Zimbabwe. Cross-media ownership occurs ‘when a person or company owns outlets in more than one medium that is a newspaper, radio, and television in the same geographical market’ (Marc Edge). The fear that Prime Minister, M. Tsvangirai, appears to be expressing is that if Zimpapers’ Talk Radio project is awarded a commercial radio licence it will end up owning and controlling more than one media stream that is a number of newspapers and a commercial radio station.

Other politicians are particularly concerned with the possible licensing of Zimpapers Talk Radio because there is a strong perception that the Zimpapers newspapers operate under the significant influence of one of the GNU partners. One of the fundamental objectives of the GNU particularly with regards media reforms in Zimbabwe as stipulated in Article 19(17(d) and (e) of the GNU Pact is to
“(d) ensure that public media provides balanced and fair coverage to all political parties for the legitimate political activities
(e) that public and private media shall refrain from using abusive language that may mate hostility, political intolerance and ethical hatred what unfairly undermines political parties and other organizations ”
These objectives recognise that the media in Zimbabwe was polarized at the time of their formulation. These objectives embody the notion of media pluralism and the need to foster media equilibrium which entails the peaceful co-existence of different media operators regardless of their alignment and beliefs (Senevirante & Muppidi: undated). Section 2A (d) (ii) of the Broadcasting Services Act, Chapter (12:06) expresses a fundamental principle regarding broadcasting in Zimbabwe;  
‘that the broadcasting services in Zimbabwe taken as a whole must ensure public debate on political, social and economic issues of public interest…so as to  foster and maintain a healthy plural democracy’
In this context, unrestricted cross-media ownership will not foster and maintain a healthy plural democracy in Zimbabwe. There are political overtones expressed by those against the licensing of Zimpapers Talk Radio to the effect that because of Zimpapers’ perceived political stance as exhibited in its print publications, granting a commercial radio licence to Zimpapers’ Talk Radio project may further deepen media polarization in Zimbabwe.
This fear is again premised on the huge share of the audience that the Zimpapers group has by virtue of the number of its daily and weekly publications and as such has the critical mass to influence public opinion in one direction. Their position would be made stronger if it were to operate and control a national radio station and they will thus make the political landscape uneven. For instance according to the Media Monitoring Project  Zimbabwe (MMPZ),  May 2011 report, the following statistics were recorded on the number of newspaper articles published by the various newspapers under the Zimpapers stable on the activities of the three main political parties in Zimbabwe;

Publication
ZANU PF
MDC -T
MDC-M
The Herald
55
34
8
Chronicle
25
16
9
The Manica Post
5
3
2
The Sunday Mail
12
14
5
Sunday News
5
6
3
Total
102
73
27

    
The MMPZ statistics given above show uneven publications and this has a chilling effect on freedom of expression in Zimbabwe. These statistics help to strengthen arguments against granting Zimpapers Talk Radio a commercial licence. Webster & Bloom (1990: 104) observe that
    ‘… Public communication lies at the heart of the democratic process that citizens require if their equal access to the vote is to have any substantive meaning, equal access also to sources of information and equal opportunities to participants in debates which political decisions rightly      flow.’

The publications of Zimpapers on political activities of the three main political contestants are unbalanced and as such run contrary to the spirit of information pluralism which is enshrined in the Broadcasting Services Act, Chapter 12:06. The question is that if they have failed to publish fair and balanced reports in their print media how can they be trusted to fairly discharge the same obligations as a broadcaster?

The main argument here is that ‘larynxes’ must not be given only to a few people and media space must not be controlled by a few people or organizations. Unrestricted cross-media ownership hurts information pluralism and destroys the essence of the modern public space. People no longer meet only in city halls to conduct political debates but even in print and electronic media spaces, thus media monopolies are anathema to democratic values that are exercised in public spaces. The success of democracy depends on the level of information diversity available to the people (Webster & Bloom (1990:104)) and an ‘…informed citizenry is more apt to contribute to national development (Senevirante & Muppidi: undated). 

Zimbabwe’s Media Market
Zimbabwe’s broadcast media market is currently a de facto monopoly in terms of radio and television broadcasting services. The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) is the only operator running two television stations and four (4) radio stations especially after the closure of Joy TV which was owned by Flame Lilly Broadcasting Limited on 31 May 2002 (Ifex: 2002). Several attempts were made by a number of potential broadcasting companies to secure licences without success, and the case in point is that of Capital Radio (Private) Limited vs Minister of Information and Publicity in the President’s Office and The Attorney General (Intervening) SC 128/02. Notwithstanding the promulgation of the Broadcasting Services Act, Chapter 12:06 which liberalized the broadcasting sector following the Supreme Court decision in Capital Radio (Private) Limited v Minister of Posts and Telecommunications Corporation SC99/2000 which declared ‘that section 27 of the Broadcasting Act 12:01 was unconstitutional in that the monopoly it granted the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation was an infringement of the right to freedom of expression guaranteed under section 20(1) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, BAZ has been reluctant to issue broadcasting licences. This has thus sustained ZBCs monopoly in radio and television broadcast markets to this day. The reluctance to issue either radio or television broadcasting licences has also consequently led to the opening up of pirate radio stations such as Radio VOP and SW Radio which broadcast direct into Zimbabwe from external bases.
It must be noted that there is intense competition in the print media market particularly following the licensing of daily newspapers such as News Day, The Daily News, The Daily News on Sunday and The Patriot sometime in May 2010 in addition to those that were already in existence which include the newspapers under the Zimpapers stable such as The Herald, The Sunday Mail, The Chronicles, The Sunday News, Manica Post, H-Metro and B-Metro and the privately owned weekly publications such as  The Financial Gazette, The Independent and The Standard.  



Drivers of Cross Media Ownership  
Ordinarily, cross-media ownership is pursued to achieve economies of scope across multiple media as costs may be reduced through the synergy of sharing staff and content in different media and revenue may be increased through the sale of multimedia advertising packages. The convergence of technologies particularly in the communications industry (broadcasting, telecommunications and other information communications systems) is making cross-media ownership attractive as newspaper owners are shifting some of their focus to the internet by establishing web portals that offer both text and/or video and audio content resembling traditional television and radio content services. Matthew Bloom (2006) rightly observed that both internet and satellite radio programming are finally challenging terrestrial radio in a manner similar to cable’s challenge to broadcast television a generation earlier; these new technologies threaten to hijack market share and revenue from a traditional broadcast medium much as cable did. Broadband technology enables one to broadcast talk radio and music over the internet to reach listeners via their personal computers. Satellite broadcasters use a pay model, selling special radios for listeners to tune into digital satellite programming. Online and satellite stations are increasing their audiences while traditional radio has struggled for over a decade to maintain its audience.

Developments in technology are again the driving force behind what is known as ‘convergence journalism’ a development where key people, multimedia editors assess each news event on its merits and assign the most appropriate staff for the story as well deciding along the way which parts of the story are told most effectively in either print or broadcast and/or other digital forms (Quinn, 2005:32, Dailey et al, 2005: 5; et al, 2011:216).

In light of these technological changes traditional radio and television, broadcasters are migrating their programmes to the internet in order to capture audiences who are moving away from the scheduled programming that is usually associated with traditional broadcasting. This is happening in markets that are highly developed and with high internet penetration rates. Thus content sharing becomes particularly critical in highly competitive environments and in mature markets where customers are able to elect what they want to hear or watch from an array of electronic media platforms. Thus business survival is now difficult for those that are publishing on one media platform particularly in mature markets where competition for content and audiences is stiff because of high numbers of media outlets, hence the need for cross-media synergies. The level of maturity of a media market in terms of competition and degree of liberalization of the industry in a country is critical for policymakers in determining what kind of limitations should be placed on cross-media ownership. The general practice is that the more liberalized (high numbers of media operators in each media stream) the market the lighter the restrictions on cross-media ownership and the reverse is true.   

The legal position on Cross-ownership
Prior to 2007, Zimbabwe had limitations on cross-media ownership provided for in Section 19(1) (b) of the Broadcasting Act, Chapter 12:06 which read ‘no broadcasting licensees … shall own or control a newspaper or more than ten per centum of the securities in a body corporate owning or controlling a newspaper’. This repealed provision would have disqualified Zimpapers from applying for a radio broadcasting licence because it owns and has control in a number of newspapers publications in circulation in Zimbabwe. The provision was well suited for Zimbabwe’s immature and inefficient broadcast market and was consistent with the spirit of democratic pluralism embedded in broadcasting laws.
The repeal of Section 19 (1) of the Broadcasting Services Act by Section 14 of the Broadcasting Services Act (Amendment) Number 19 of 2007 removed restriction on cross-media ownership in Zimbabwe. Therefore, there is nothing that can prevent BAZ from awarding Zimpapers Talk Radio, a commercial radio broadcast licence if they meet the criteria set out. A constitutional challenge is an available option particularly to seek a determination by the Supreme Court on whether unrestricted cross-media ownership is a violation of Section 20 (1) of the Constitution and if the Supreme Court affirms this then Zimpapers may be disqualified from holding a broadcast license. This will also force the responsible Ministry to trigger the amendment the relevant Section 19 of the Broadcasting Service Act, Chapter 12:06. The evolution of constitutional jurisprudence is beginning to embrace the idea of media pluralism as being an integral part of freedom of expression even though many constitutions are not explicit in this respect. Michal Barton (2010) argues that media pluralism should be regarded as a constitutional principle and media pluralism should not be considered as a vertical relationship between the State and the Individual (in the form of a ‘right to pluralism”) but should be considered an objective constitutional value which is derived from the constitutional guarantee of freedom of expression and that every democratic state should be bound by such constitutional values in its regulatory activities.’ This is a persuasive argument which requires the determination of the Supreme Court of Zimbabwe sitting as a constitutional court.
Constitutional Implications
Section 20 (1) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe guarantees the protection of freedom of expression and this is the basis upon which print, radio and television media licensees are permitted to publish or broadcast on their licensed platforms. However, the Supreme Court of Zimbabwe in two important judgments in the matters of Retrofit (Private) Limited v Posts and Telecommunications Corporation and The Attorney General (Intervening) 1995 (9) BCLR 1262 (Z) ruled against the monopoly of the Posts and Telecommunication Corporation in providing telecommunications Services in Zimbabwe and in Capital Radio (Private) Limited v The Minister of Information and Publicity and the Attorney General (Intervening) (Supra) where it decided that the monopoly of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation was unconstitutional. Zimbabwe’s constitutional jurisprudence therefore clearly holds that monopolies, particularly in the communications sector, are unconstitutional because they violate the provisions of Section 20 (1) of the Constitution. Freedom of expression is regarded as the lifeblood of democracy. In  In re Munhumeso 1995 (2) BCLR 125 (ZS) the Supreme Court re-emphasised that freedom of expression was a pre-requisite for the progress of democracy and it is important in that;
(a)  it helps an individual to attain self-fulfilment;
(b)  it assists in the discovery of proof;
(c)   it strengthens the capacity of an individual to participate in decision-making; and
(d)  it provides a mechanism by which it would be possible to establish a reasonable balance between stability and social change.

The fears that unrestricted cross-media ownership induces in Zimbabwe is that unrestricted domination of media streams available in Zimbabwe by a single entity will stifle free speech because of lack of information pluralism which is necessary to assist individuals to discover the truth, make informed decisions and may hinder some individuals from attaining self-fulfilment. Unrestricted cross-media ownership would, therefore, be a negation of freedom of expression and information pluralism in this context. Unrestricted cross-media ownership is worrisome taking into account the level of maturity of the broadcast media market in Zimbabwe which although legislation has liberalized, there is little competition and market efficiency. Unregulated cross-media ownership may, therefore, be prima facie unconstitutional because of the monopolistic effects it may create in the media market in Zimbabwe.
Comparative perspective
Other countries such as South Africa have a restriction on cross-media ownership. Zimbabwe and South Africa share a number of common features in their histories. They were both under British colonial power and because of this, the two countries had the same common law that is, Roman-Dutch law. The two countries legal jurisprudence has evolved in a similar direction and both countries have liberalized their telecommunications and broadcasting sectors, though South Africa has made more significant advances in terms of capital investment and improving competition of multipliers (broadcasters and publishers) in these sectors. As such their media industry is much more mature and competitive than Zimbabwe’s market. This makes South Africa a relevant reference point on this subject.
South Africa’s communications industry is governed by the Electronic Communications Act, 36 of 2005 (ECA). While the ECA permits cross-media investment, it, however, places restrictions on the level of investment in cross-media business in Section 66 (1) thereof by stating that cross-media control of broadcasting services must be subject to such limitation as may from time to time be determined by the National Assembly acting on the recommendations of the regulator (Independent Communications Authority of South Africa). Section 66(2) of the ECA restricts persons who control newspapers from acquiring or retaining financial control of a commercial broadcast service licensee in both television service and sound broadcasting service. A restriction of this nature will not be new to Zimbabwe because the previous Section 19 (1) of the Broadcasting Services Act, Chapter 12:06 had more stringent restrictions than section 66 (2) of the ECA and therefore serious considerations must be made to restore cross-media ownership restrictions under Zimbabwean law. The levels of restrictions may differ but it must be such that the newspaper media owner or vice versa should not have a controlling interest financially as a shareholder or in the Board and must be barred from exercising editorial control over the benefiting entity. Section 66 (2) of the ECA does not prohibit a person who controls a newspaper from acquiring equity in a television or radio broadcast station but restricts that person or company from acquiring financial control in a television or sound broadcasting licensees. Section 66 (3) of the ECA provides that no person who controls a newspaper may have control of a commercial broadcasting service license either in television or sound broadcasting services. The limited permission on cross-media investment in South Africa is done in recognition of the need for the establishment of synergies through converging of technologies particularly with respect to content aggregation and choice of media platform for publication of certain news events. It also enhances competition in the media market and democratic pluralism.

M. Edge (undated) points out that diversity of media ownership is considered crucial to ensuring diversity of news information to the people. The media influences public opinion and the objectives of information pluralism, if media monopolies emerge from cross-media ownership, will not be realised. Different types of media with different ideologies, beliefs and leanings must coexist and be at equilibrium in any democratic society (Senevirante & Muppidi: undated). The current Zimbabwean licensing process must therefore be suspended pending an urgent amendment of the Broadcasting Services Act, Chapter 12:06 because if the process is allowed to continue and Zimpapers’ Talk Radio project is awarded a licence it may be very difficult for the government to reverse that decision and require Zimpapers to restructure its shareholding retrospectively. 

The case of Telecel Zimbabwe Limited is relevant in this context in which the Postal and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe (POTRAZ) cancelled the former’s mobile telecommunications licence for failure to comply with Section 36 (1) and (2) of the Postal and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority which imposes restrictions on ownership and control of cellular, telecommunications and postal licensees. Telecel continues to operate after noting an appeal against that decision to cancel its licence and obtained a High Court Order restraining both the Ministry of Transport and Communications and POTRAZ from interfering with their operations pending the determination of their appeal.  Therefore, the most practical and legally safe decision is to amend the Broadcasting Services Act, Chapter 12:06 coupled with the suspension of the current licence application evaluations being done by BAZ.


There is a greater public interest in protecting Zimbabwe’s democratic and constitutional values than protecting the commercial interests of one entity. In any case, if that entity were to be licensed, it will transmit its broadcast programmes using radio frequencies which are a public resource. The public interest factor is, therefore, stronger and on this basis, BAZ should seriously make recommendations to the responsible Minister of Information and Publicity to trigger the amendment of the relevant sections of the Broadcasting Services Act, Chapter 12:06 for the inclusion of cross-media ownership limitations. BAZ has that power in terms of Section 3(1) of the Broadcasting Services Act, Chapter 12:06 and in terms of this Section, it may do one or more of the following;
   (c)      to receive, evaluate and consider applications for the issue of any broadcasting licence or signal carrier licence for the purpose of advising the Minister on whether or not he should grant the licence;
   (e)     to advise the Minister on ways of improving and promoting a regulatory environment that            
           will facilitate the development of a broadcasting industry in Zimbabwe that is efficient,
            competitive and responsive to audience needs and the national interest   
   (f)     to encourage diversity in the control of broadcasting services

These functions are profound and the BAZ has to be honest with itself and accordingly advise the Minister that unrestricted cross-media ownership will not encourage diversity in the control of broadcasting services and that the introduction of limitations on cross-media ownership will enhance the regulatory environment by promoting diversity of media ownership and control as well as information pluralism.
Conclusion
De facto monopolies that emerge from unrestricted cross-media ownership work against freedom of expression which is an indispensable ingredient of democracy hence the need for media pluralism. Pluralism is essential in any democratic society that recognizes and encourages the existence and the rights of different views, perceptions and expressions to coexist in a peaceful manner (Senevirante & Muppidi: undated). What is needed is a strong commitment by the government of Zimbabwe and BAZ to the human rights obligation to promote and protect media pluralism through appropriate laws and regulatory directives and determinations. BAZ may therefore on the basis of the foregoing advise the Minister of Information to decline awarding Zimpapers Talk Radio a broadcast licence in addition to advising him to cause an appropriate amendment of the Broadcasting Services Act, Chapter 12:06 as suggested above in order to prevent the creation of an unrestricted cross-media ownership which may be difficult to reverse.

Friday, 16 September 2011

A Judiciary under Threat!

IFSDZ PAPER                                                                                                               16 September 2011


By Lyndon Nkomo                                                   

Do judges have a role to play in politics or their role is confined to interpreting the law and conflict resolution? The concept of the rule of law clearly delineates the roles of the three organs of the State namely, the Executive, Legislature and the Judiciary. Whilst the first two organs ordinarily comprise members elected into office by the electorate, the latter organ has members nominated and appointed to hold office as judges of the country. These three organs of the State are expected to be independent of each other and as such regardless of whether others are elected by the people whilst those who act as judges are ordinarily nominated and appointed to their positions, that does not make the other two more powerful than the judiciary neither does it give the politicians the right to harass members of the judiciary. They must all work within the scope of the mandate given to them by the Constitution of the Country and yet some politicians erroneously or ignorantly think that the Executive reserves the right to harass judges. The Executive must not undermine the judiciary even though the perception or presumably the reality is that they wield more powers than the judges because of their popular support from the masses. But whatever the case may be, once an individual secures office in any of the three organs of the State they are then expected to run those offices independently. However, this does not mean that these institutions particularly the Judiciary may not be criticised as they do their work. They are all institutions of the State and as such are subject to public scrutiny but any criticism must not scandalise or demean their standing in the public eye, otherwise they will lose public confidence.      

In this regard, therefore, the preservation of the independence of the judiciary is critical as one of the basic principles flowing from the concept of the rule of law. Regrettably some politicians have on numerous occasions threatened the judiciary and in some cases rogue political fanatics are rented by some unscrupulous politicians to intimidate judges as a way of interfering with their independence. The ANC Youth League is unhappy with Judge Larmont’s decision adjudging the ‘Dubul ibhunu’ song as hate speech. The alleged fear of the ANC Youth League is that the decision threatens not only free political speech but the history of the liberation struggle in South Africa. They plan to lobby the Parliament to protect liberation songs like this as well as to march to the Constitutional Court to demonstrate. The plan by the overzealous ANC Youth League to march to the Constitutional Court on this issue is not only an affront to the rule of law but embarrassing for the main ANC Party. What do they expect the judges of the Constitutional Court to do if they march onto the Constitutional Court? Depart from proper legal reasoning and pass judgments that back Malema? The Legal brief reports that Malema is quoted as having said that ‘It was an unfair practice for a judge to decide something while the rest must simply accept it and that the League will not accept this unfair practice.’ This is not only a reckless statement but a declaration of war against the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law. President Zuma must defend the Constitution which he swore to defend on his inauguration against rogue elements in the Youth League. It is very clear that there is no commitment on the part of the ANC Youth League to respect the Constitution and the President must therefore intervene. If the ANC Youth League is unhappy with the Equality Court‘s decision then they must against that judgment.

Of late there have been reckless statements from the ruling African National Congress (ANC) targeted at the judiciary but veiled as demands for transformation of the judiciary. The South African government and the ruling ANC party have suffered the embarrassment of losing in politically important legal matters and the response of the ANC has been that there is a concerted effort to embarrass government by the judiciary and civil and yet the government has resources to employ the finest legal minds in the country to give them good advice. For instance, when President Zuma followed a wrong procedure in seeking to extend the former Chief Justice, Sandile Ngcobo’s term of office people like Gwede Mantashe and Ngoako Ramathlodi charged that there is a deliberate initiative in the country to embarrass the Presidency. Particularly Mantashe is quoted as having said ‘My view is that there is a great deal of hostility that comes through from the judiciary towards the Executive and Parliament...Unless this issue is addressed deliberately, it is going to cause instability.’  Malema escalated the accusation by playing a race card and his comments are to say the least contemptuous of the Judiciary. Are these genuine concerns from the ANC or they are simply attempting to pass on the blame for the bad legal advice or none of it to the judiciary? These kind of statements cast doubt on the ANC’s commitment towards the protection of the rule of law and independence of the Judiciary. What is scary for the judiciary is that these statements are coming from senior member of the ANC and are a mirror reflection of the thinking at Albert Luthuli House. So dangerous is this thinking that it dawns a new epoch of judicial harassment in South Africa. Just like in many African countries, the ANC will only be pleased to work with a weak judiciary that will listen to the Executive.       

There is need for the ANC to do a self introspection as a party and desist from passing on the blame for their failures to their perceived enemies. For instance how does a song like 'Dubul ibhunu' add value to modern South Africa? The white minorities no longer control the State treasury and the very same black government that is in power is failing its people. The South African government has assumed wrong priorities. They busked in the pleasure of hosting the first World Cup Soccer tournament to be hosted on the African continent instead of building and providing housing, sanitation and  roads for the people living in the informal settlements of Orange farm, Alexander, Roodepoort and such other informal settlements dotted around South Africa. The Zuma Administration promised to create one million jobs when his administration came to power but that has remained a pipe dream for many jobless South Africans. These are the bread and butter issues for people in any society and not to waste their energies on fighting for a song that is past its relevance even though its value is in history. The scapegoat is now the judiciary and one hopes that South Africans will not be hoodwinked into believing this unpleasant rhetoric. Instead of issuing scandalising political rhetoric against the Judiciary, they should follow the correct procedure of appealing against the decision of the Equality Court and hopefully one day the Constitutional Court will make a firm legal pronouncement on the constitutionality of this issue.

There is serious danger to the rule of law and the independence of the Judiciary when politicians start pointing fingers at the third arm of the State. Such irresponsible statements encourage people to rise up against men and women who man our courts leading to breakdown of law and order. This is not fantasy but it has happened in other Southern African jurisdictions before. Unless these misguided expressions are halted people like Malema will soon defy legitimate court decisions because they think that courts must never question decisions taken by Politicians. This is the risk that South Africa faces. It looks like the Zuma Administration has a big problem with the Judiciary because they have some skeletons in their closets. The irony of the issue is that President Zuma was represented by a white man in his rape trial and when Judge Van der Merwe acquitted him at the end of his rape trial, Malema and others did not say a thing about transformation. When they used another white senior counsel to wade off Zuma prosecution in his arms procurement corruption allegations, again no issues of transformation were raised. The problem is that when the ANC succeeds in their legal battles using white lawyers nobody talks about transformation. Perhaps they are simply bad losers.

Transformation is critical and in any jurisdiction there must be a right mix of racial colours on the bench but judicial appointments must be based on merit and not political inclination of the individuals. Transformation must be an evolutionary process and not a once off event. In transforming the judiciary the idea is not to appoint individuals who are pliable to political demands or those that have political sympathy for the contemporary administration but must be an opportunity to appoint previously disadvantaged experienced and competent men and women to the bench. Judges who benefit from this transformation process must not accept to be used as political tools and as such they must defend the rule of law to its bone. One hopes that the concept of transformation that ANC is talking about is not one that involves the weakening and manipulation of the judiciary by appointing political tools on the judicial bench to fix ANC's political worries. That is not the desired transformation. In any case, transformation is a wide concept that does not only cover issues pertaining to appointment of judges but must address issues of how accessible, efficient and legitimate the judiciary should be in serving the public and not a few highly placed individuals.

It is certainly within the power of the Zuma Administration to begin the necessary engagements with the relevant stakeholders on transforming the judiciary but what is not acceptable are the vicious threats and the scandalisation of the Judiciary by the ANC especially on a matter that is within their purview. Any threat to the rule of law is likely to have a systemic effect on the whole political economy of South Africa and therefore South Africa has a chance to learn from the mistakes of other countries in Southern Africa and manage this process properly.



Tuesday, 13 September 2011

'Shoot the Boer!' An Epitome of Hatred in the New Political Context


By Lyndon T. Nkomo

IFSDZ PAPER

Introduction

I am very surprised by the stance taken by the ANC to appeal against the decision which classified the "Shoot the boer" song as hate speech. I have not had an opportunity to study the judgment but I wish to express my personal opinion on this matter which is very important in that it has an impact on the concept of free speech under South African jurisdiction.

Historical Perspective

There is no doubt that most African liberation organisations such as ANC, ZANU PF, PF ZAPU had songs which they used to motivate and rally the masses behind the political agenda of the day. In Zimbabwe, our people sang all sorts of songs and among them, songs with lyrics like 'Hona mukoma Nhongo berekeka sub tiende...' and 'Mabhunu muchapera...'   The 'Mabhunu muchapera...' lyrics are comparable to the 'Dubul Ibhunu' (Shoot the boer). They were both liberation songs meant to motivate the oppressed black majorities to fight the oppressive minority white enemy in power at the relevant times. There is no doubt that these songs were relevant for the political context and period that they were sang. Singing is an integral aspect of African culture but songs are also event related. Africans have songs for funerals, wedding and victory celebrations or any other occasion you may think of. It is what completes us as African people and brings personal satisfaction and fulfilment but one thing about Africans is that they are conscious not to sing songs that are not related to the occasion convened.

Constitutional Perspective

The Constitution of South Africa is founded on the values of human dignity, freedom and equal worth. Section 16 (1) protects all forms of expression but section 16 (2) provides a limitation beyond which certain forms of expression such as hate speech will not find protection under the constitution. The Constitutional Court in the matter of Islamic Unity Convention, Langa DCJ observed that ' Implicit is its [s16(2)] provisions is an acknowledgment that certain expression does not deserve constitutional protection because amongst other things, it has the potential to impinge adversely on the dignity of others and cause harm....' Theodore M. Vestal writes that '...hate expressions inflict not only physical harm but also unique psychic damage on victims. Because a hate crime is directed not only at the individual victim, but also at the group to which the victim belongs, such violence tends to escalate from individual conflicts to mass disturbances by exacerbating divisions among observers who sympathize with either the victims or the attackers.' Hate Speech does not give any positive benefits to the society but simply galvanises the society towards not only prejudicial but contemptuous treatment of  the targeted group of people in a particular society. In Islamic Unity Convention v Independent Broadcasting Authority and Others 2002 (5) BCLR 433 (CC) the Constitutional Court had emphasized that freedom of expression should not be permitted to impair the exercise and enjoyment of other important rights, such as the right to dignity, other State interests and the pursuit of national unity and reconciliation.' The key issue in this observation by the Constitutional Court is that the right to dignity under the South African political context is meant to foster national unity and reconciliation among other issues. This is a critical statement which epitomises the deliberate policy pronouncement made by the founding father of the post-1994 democratic South Africa, former President Nelson Mandela that South Africa is a ‘rainbow nation’. This pronouncement meant that as different as the colours of a rainbow are so are the people of South Africa but the different colours of the rainbow blend together in unity to form one beautiful natural feature, that is a rainbow. Therefore, the different colours of the people of South Africa must blend together to form one beautiful united and racially tolerant nation. Such was the vision of Nelson Mandela that when you see a rainbow in the sky, it heralds cessation of rain and the coming of tranquillity in the natural atmosphere and as such the rainbow nation heralds unity in diversity of skin colours and cessation of previous hostilities.

Shoot the Boer Song vs. The Rainbow Nation Vision.

The rainbow nation vision of South Africa was a genuine and deliberate desire to bring about unity and reconciliation to the previously belligerent groups in South Africa. That deliberate vision ushered in a new political context for South Africa as a nation. The vision is one that stresses tolerance and unity even in the diversity of the colours of the South African people. Therefore, self-respecting Africans would not sing a song like this because it violates the new political context by preaching hatred, harm and disunity especially in an environment where the ANC government is failing to create jobs and decent basic amenities such as housing and sanitation to the previously disadvantaged people. It is not a secret that South Africa is sitting on a political time bomb because of poor service delivery and it will be irresponsible for any political leader to seek to diffuse this deadly bomb. Instead, Malema and others in the ANC must ensure that they deliver what they promised to the electorate through good governance. When political leaders in a free nation such as South Africa advocate for violence, it is a reflection of their weaknesses in governance and this is done to conceal such weaknesses by attempting to pass on the blame to the next person. Who doesn’t know that Malema is a fat cat, actually facing corruption allegations and what has he and his colleagues in government done for the South African people except lining their pockets with ill-gotten riches?

However, those that were previous masters must also not take advantage and perpetuate inequalities but must embrace change and the harmony expected in the new political context. There must be equal opportunities for all people in South Africa or else the irresponsible and opportunistic political leaders such as Malema will take advantage of the situation to foment racial hatred and ignite the political time bomb building up in South Africa.

Conclusion

Malema and the ANC are therefore wrong in singing this divisive song at their public rallies because it brings revolting effects on the beautiful rainbow nation. The song expresses and incites hatred and therefore does not deserve any protection under the new South African Constitution until such time the constitutional values of human dignity, freedom and equal treatment of all people in South Africa are changed (God forbid!).


          

 


     
 

Thursday, 1 September 2011

A New Era in Libya?

The turn of events in Libya is becoming very interesting. Gadaffi is in hiding and has threatened that Libya  will burn. At  the same time the anti-Gadaffi forces appear to have overcome the resistance of Libya's former strongman and the National Transitional Council has issued an ultimatum that if the last resisting pockets of Gadaffi forces refuses to surrender, they will descent upon them with full force all the name of liberating Libya from the evil power of their own brother albeit with the assistance of the enormous NATO fire power. The truth is that the end has already come and Gadaffi's threats are the last kicks of a a dying horse. It will eventually die. The question is does he still have the charm to galvanise the nation together and fight to reclaim Libya from the NTC forces? The fact is that this once apparently invincible character who once had an illusionary dream of a United States of Africa with him as its President has lost legitimacy to govern Libya and that is why he is in hiding. The lesson to be learnt is that political leaders must never take the people they govern for granted. Political power is like morning dew which disappears quickly when the sun rises. It is never meant to be an eternal power and this is what many politicians quickly forget when they assume power. The mistake that the 'Brother Leader' as President Jacob Zuma recently referred him as was that he either mis-timed his exit date or did not even think about it because 42 years in power is surely a life time because he thought 'his people' loved him dearly. Surprisingly, those he described as rats have 'gnawed' his power away and the 'dearly loved brother leader' is missing in action and is now resorting to stealth audio propaganda like the late Osama Bin Laden and Al Qaeda. He made the mistake of failing to recognise the winds of change. Instead he should have tried to embrace them and given himself an honourable platform for exiting from power without bloodshed.His arrogance and stubbornness cost him and now nobody knows where he is and is probably stateless. I hear that there is a conference on Libya and the South African Press has reported that South Africa is boycotting. Do they surely think the Colonel is ever coming back? Am sure his time is up and it is time for the Libyans to move on without him.It is a disgrace indeed that the South African government is refusing to recognise the will of the people  of Libya and choosing to to side with the man who is is now like a 'rat' as he used to call the NTC hiding some where in his complex tunnel system and desires to see Libya burning.The man has forgotten how he rose to power?Was it not by some kind of a revolution?And the same barrel of the gun has taken him out of power. Candidly speaking Gadaffi is no longer a political factor. This man is gone! As IFSDZ we now want to see the NTC stabilise and  properly rebuild the oil rich country, a process which must be followed putting together a new constitution and democratic insitutitions and the calling of free and fair elections in Libya. We only hope that Libya will not end up being like Iraq or Afghanistan and in this regard we urge the people of Libya to show that they are different by galvanising themselves in unity towards the goal of democratising their nation.

Monday, 25 July 2011

JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE AND JUDGES’ APPOINTMENTS

IFSDZ PAPER                                                                                                               25 July 2011

JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE AND JUDGES’ APPOINTMENTS
The decision taken by South Africa’s President, Mr Jacob Zuma to extend the term of the current Chief Justice by five years, effective from the 1st of August 2011 in accordance with the provisions of section 8 (a) of the Judges Remuneration and Condition of Employment Act has raised controversy which has condensed into a legal battle centred on the constitutionality of the powers of the President as provided in the given legislation.   
Pamela S. Karlan in ‘Two Concepts of Judicial Independence’ observes that ‘Lots of lawyers want to become judges; most judges want to keep their jobs; many sitting judges have aspirations for elevation to higher courts. Much of the discussion of judicial independence focuses on the threats posed by career considerations.’ This issue of extension of the Chief Justice’s tenure falls squarely into this observation. To begin with, the appointment of Chief Justice Sandile Ngcobo to his current position was not without controversy. Many thought deputy chief justice Dikgang Moseneke was going to be the natural replacement of the retiring Chief Justice Pius Langa but President Zuma justified Ngcobo’s appointment in the following words ‘The fact of the matter is that I have appointed a judge that I believe is capable,’(Sapa, 6 August 2009). Others thought that President Zuma had appointed Sandile Ngcobo prior to consulting other political parties represented in the National Assembly as required by the Constitution.  The Democratic Alliance  and the Inkhata Freedom Party complained in a joint letter dated the 9th August 2009, that the President had gone to the public with an announcement of his nomination of Sandile Ngcobo as Chief Justice before consulting the other Political Parties represented in the National Assembly as required by the provisions of section 174 (3) of the Constitution of South Africa which provides that ‘The President as head of the national executive, after consulting the Judicial Service Commission and the leaders of parties represented in the National Assembly, appoints the Chief Justice and the Deputy Chief Justice and, after consulting the Judicial Service Commission, appoints the President and Deputy President of the Supreme Court of Appeal.’ The political parties viewed President Zuma’s actions as not only unconstitutional but as a threat to judicial independence and they reminded the President in the letter dated 9th August 2009, that ‘The reason why the South African Constitution requires the President to consult the leaders of all political parties in the National Assembly is clear: The National Assembly consists of 400 public representatives, democratically elected to represent the interests of all South Africans. As the judiciary is an independent body - an independence epitomised by the position of Chief Justice - it is appropriate that those Members of Parliament be consulted before such an appointment is made. In much the same fashion, it is necessary to consult the JSC, a representative body both of the National Assembly and the justice system more broadly. Not to consult the members of these institutions would result in the appointment being made entirely at the discretion of the head of the executive; a situation which lends itself to the abuse of power, undermines the Constitutional principle that there be a separation of power between the executive and judiciary and, in practical terms, runs the risk that the Chief Justice and those candidates eligible for the position of Chief Justice might act in a manner designed to find favour with the President.’ The fear which the political parties expressed in the quotation above can be captured as fear of ‘Judicial capture’ by the Executive.


Judicial Capture
Judicial capture ordinarily occurs if the process of appointment of members of the judiciary is partisan and renders them indebted, in respect of their appointment and security of tenure to the existence of a superior force or power and yet what lies at the core of the principle of the rule of law as amplifies by the doctrine of separation of powers between the legislature, executive and the judiciary is the equality and independence of the three arms of the State. President Zuma’s actions must be checked and the fears of the parties litigating in this matter are genuine. There is an apparent threat to judicial independence and those that believe in the rule of law and separation of powers must come to the fore and legitimately defend their faith. Judicial capture is cancerous and it attacks the pillars of judicial independence that are built on the foundations of judicial integrity, transparency, accountability and fairness. Judicial capture is also anathema to democracy and as such destroys democratic institutions converting them into partisan bodies. Once key State Institutions like the judiciary become partisan, the sense of justice will be equally corrupted. This is the gravity of this matter and it is therefore imperative to keep the President’s in check.  
Whilst the fight in the Constitutional Court of South Africa is about the constitutionality of the Presidential powers and the desire by the interested parties to defend the independence of the judiciary, it also inadvertently pits these interests against the personal career interests of Sandile Ngcobo. It is the ultimate dream of every lawyer to become a Chief Justice of his or her country. What raises questions in this matter is the speed at which President Zuma attempted to fast track a bill into Parliament that seeks to regularise the extension of the Chief Justice’s tenure. The question is what exactly is the President’s interest in Sandile Ngcobo that he would risk his reputation and credibility for him? The issue is not necessarily about the abilities of the Chief Justice to discharge his mandate but how his perceived close relationship with the President is likely to affect the independence of the judiciary in South Africa. It will certainly save Sandile Ngcobo’s reputation if he were to formally distance himself from the actions of the President and retire on the 31st of July 2011 or refuse to present himself for extension of his term as Chief Justice. Whilst we appreciate that not all controversy should force a judge to resign from his office, but if it is one as grave as this one which seriously threatens judicial independence then the judge must take steps that are necessary to protect his or her integrity and reputation. It is regrettable that Sandile Ngcobo’s personal interests are inadvertently contesting against national interests in judicial independence and he has a responsibility to extricate himself out of it. He must be prepared to censure his personal desires for the good of the judicial system in South Africa. This is why Pamela S. Karlan submits that ‘…much of the discussion of judicial independence focuses on the threats posed by career considerations.’ Very few people are unwilling to say no to overtures that promote and seemingly advance their careers even at the expense of selling their souls in disgrace.  Inevitably, we suspect that the mere fact that the President was ready to fast track a bill to regularise the extension of the term as Chief Justice and he has not objected to that overture means that he is agreeable to the initiatives of the President. The Chief Justice must never become the  ‘President’s man’ and this is what everybody fears and if the President’s powers in this regard are not kept in check, they may end up being abused. This is, however, not to suggest that President Zuma has abused his powers but the fears expressed by the litigants are genuine and something must be done to curb potential abuse of power by the President.                            
Our view is that Sandile Ngcobo has one option and that is to refuse the extension and protect the integrity and independence of the Judiciary.