Tuesday, 20 September 2011

Developing Story: A Judiciary Under Threat in SA

Friday, 16 September 2011

A Judiciary under Threat!

IFSDZ PAPER                                                                                                               16 September 2011


By Lyndon Nkomo                                                   

Do judges have a role to play in politics or their role is confined to interpreting the law and conflict resolution? The concept of the rule of law clearly delineates the roles of the three organs of the State namely, the Executive, Legislature and the Judiciary. Whilst the first two organs ordinarily comprise members elected into office by the electorate, the latter organ has members nominated and appointed to hold office as judges of the country. These three organs of the State are expected to be independent of each other and as such regardless of whether others are elected by the people whilst those who act as judges are ordinarily nominated and appointed to their positions, that does not make the other two more powerful than the judiciary neither does it give the politicians the right to harass members of the judiciary. They must all work within the scope of the mandate given to them by the Constitution of the Country and yet some politicians erroneously or ignorantly think that the Executive reserves the right to harass judges. The Executive must not undermine the judiciary even though the perception or presumably the reality is that they wield more powers than the judges because of their popular support from the masses. But whatever the case may be, once an individual secures office in any of the three organs of the State they are then expected to run those offices independently. However, this does not mean that these institutions particularly the Judiciary may not be criticised as they do their work. They are all institutions of the State and as such are subject to public scrutiny but any criticism must not scandalise or demean their standing in the public eye, otherwise they will lose public confidence.      

In this regard, therefore, the preservation of the independence of the judiciary is critical as one of the basic principles flowing from the concept of the rule of law. Regrettably some politicians have on numerous occasions threatened the judiciary and in some cases rogue political fanatics are rented by some unscrupulous politicians to intimidate judges as a way of interfering with their independence. The ANC Youth League is unhappy with Judge Larmont’s decision adjudging the ‘Dubul ibhunu’ song as hate speech. The alleged fear of the ANC Youth League is that the decision threatens not only free political speech but the history of the liberation struggle in South Africa. They plan to lobby the Parliament to protect liberation songs like this as well as to march to the Constitutional Court to demonstrate. The plan by the overzealous ANC Youth League to march to the Constitutional Court on this issue is not only an affront to the rule of law but embarrassing for the main ANC Party. What do they expect the judges of the Constitutional Court to do if they march onto the Constitutional Court? Depart from proper legal reasoning and pass judgments that back Malema? The Legal brief reports that Malema is quoted as having said that ‘It was an unfair practice for a judge to decide something while the rest must simply accept it and that the League will not accept this unfair practice.’ This is not only a reckless statement but a declaration of war against the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law. President Zuma must defend the Constitution which he swore to defend on his inauguration against rogue elements in the Youth League. It is very clear that there is no commitment on the part of the ANC Youth League to respect the Constitution and the President must therefore intervene. If the ANC Youth League is unhappy with the Equality Court‘s decision then they must against that judgment.

Of late there have been reckless statements from the ruling African National Congress (ANC) targeted at the judiciary but veiled as demands for transformation of the judiciary. The South African government and the ruling ANC party have suffered the embarrassment of losing in politically important legal matters and the response of the ANC has been that there is a concerted effort to embarrass government by the judiciary and civil and yet the government has resources to employ the finest legal minds in the country to give them good advice. For instance, when President Zuma followed a wrong procedure in seeking to extend the former Chief Justice, Sandile Ngcobo’s term of office people like Gwede Mantashe and Ngoako Ramathlodi charged that there is a deliberate initiative in the country to embarrass the Presidency. Particularly Mantashe is quoted as having said ‘My view is that there is a great deal of hostility that comes through from the judiciary towards the Executive and Parliament...Unless this issue is addressed deliberately, it is going to cause instability.’  Malema escalated the accusation by playing a race card and his comments are to say the least contemptuous of the Judiciary. Are these genuine concerns from the ANC or they are simply attempting to pass on the blame for the bad legal advice or none of it to the judiciary? These kind of statements cast doubt on the ANC’s commitment towards the protection of the rule of law and independence of the Judiciary. What is scary for the judiciary is that these statements are coming from senior member of the ANC and are a mirror reflection of the thinking at Albert Luthuli House. So dangerous is this thinking that it dawns a new epoch of judicial harassment in South Africa. Just like in many African countries, the ANC will only be pleased to work with a weak judiciary that will listen to the Executive.       

There is need for the ANC to do a self introspection as a party and desist from passing on the blame for their failures to their perceived enemies. For instance how does a song like 'Dubul ibhunu' add value to modern South Africa? The white minorities no longer control the State treasury and the very same black government that is in power is failing its people. The South African government has assumed wrong priorities. They busked in the pleasure of hosting the first World Cup Soccer tournament to be hosted on the African continent instead of building and providing housing, sanitation and  roads for the people living in the informal settlements of Orange farm, Alexander, Roodepoort and such other informal settlements dotted around South Africa. The Zuma Administration promised to create one million jobs when his administration came to power but that has remained a pipe dream for many jobless South Africans. These are the bread and butter issues for people in any society and not to waste their energies on fighting for a song that is past its relevance even though its value is in history. The scapegoat is now the judiciary and one hopes that South Africans will not be hoodwinked into believing this unpleasant rhetoric. Instead of issuing scandalising political rhetoric against the Judiciary, they should follow the correct procedure of appealing against the decision of the Equality Court and hopefully one day the Constitutional Court will make a firm legal pronouncement on the constitutionality of this issue.

There is serious danger to the rule of law and the independence of the Judiciary when politicians start pointing fingers at the third arm of the State. Such irresponsible statements encourage people to rise up against men and women who man our courts leading to breakdown of law and order. This is not fantasy but it has happened in other Southern African jurisdictions before. Unless these misguided expressions are halted people like Malema will soon defy legitimate court decisions because they think that courts must never question decisions taken by Politicians. This is the risk that South Africa faces. It looks like the Zuma Administration has a big problem with the Judiciary because they have some skeletons in their closets. The irony of the issue is that President Zuma was represented by a white man in his rape trial and when Judge Van der Merwe acquitted him at the end of his rape trial, Malema and others did not say a thing about transformation. When they used another white senior counsel to wade off Zuma prosecution in his arms procurement corruption allegations, again no issues of transformation were raised. The problem is that when the ANC succeeds in their legal battles using white lawyers nobody talks about transformation. Perhaps they are simply bad losers.

Transformation is critical and in any jurisdiction there must be a right mix of racial colours on the bench but judicial appointments must be based on merit and not political inclination of the individuals. Transformation must be an evolutionary process and not a once off event. In transforming the judiciary the idea is not to appoint individuals who are pliable to political demands or those that have political sympathy for the contemporary administration but must be an opportunity to appoint previously disadvantaged experienced and competent men and women to the bench. Judges who benefit from this transformation process must not accept to be used as political tools and as such they must defend the rule of law to its bone. One hopes that the concept of transformation that ANC is talking about is not one that involves the weakening and manipulation of the judiciary by appointing political tools on the judicial bench to fix ANC's political worries. That is not the desired transformation. In any case, transformation is a wide concept that does not only cover issues pertaining to appointment of judges but must address issues of how accessible, efficient and legitimate the judiciary should be in serving the public and not a few highly placed individuals.

It is certainly within the power of the Zuma Administration to begin the necessary engagements with the relevant stakeholders on transforming the judiciary but what is not acceptable are the vicious threats and the scandalisation of the Judiciary by the ANC especially on a matter that is within their purview. Any threat to the rule of law is likely to have a systemic effect on the whole political economy of South Africa and therefore South Africa has a chance to learn from the mistakes of other countries in Southern Africa and manage this process properly.



Tuesday, 13 September 2011

'Shoot the Boer!' An Epitome of Hatred in the New Political Context


By Lyndon T. Nkomo

IFSDZ PAPER

Introduction

I am very surprised by the stance taken by the ANC to appeal against the decision which classified the "Shoot the boer" song as hate speech. I have not had an opportunity to study the judgment but I wish to express my personal opinion on this matter which is very important in that it has an impact on the concept of free speech under South African jurisdiction.

Historical Perspective

There is no doubt that most African liberation organisations such as ANC, ZANU PF, PF ZAPU had songs which they used to motivate and rally the masses behind the political agenda of the day. In Zimbabwe, our people sang all sorts of songs and among them, songs with lyrics like 'Hona mukoma Nhongo berekeka sub tiende...' and 'Mabhunu muchapera...'   The 'Mabhunu muchapera...' lyrics are comparable to the 'Dubul Ibhunu' (Shoot the boer). They were both liberation songs meant to motivate the oppressed black majorities to fight the oppressive minority white enemy in power at the relevant times. There is no doubt that these songs were relevant for the political context and period that they were sang. Singing is an integral aspect of African culture but songs are also event related. Africans have songs for funerals, wedding and victory celebrations or any other occasion you may think of. It is what completes us as African people and brings personal satisfaction and fulfilment but one thing about Africans is that they are conscious not to sing songs that are not related to the occasion convened.

Constitutional Perspective

The Constitution of South Africa is founded on the values of human dignity, freedom and equal worth. Section 16 (1) protects all forms of expression but section 16 (2) provides a limitation beyond which certain forms of expression such as hate speech will not find protection under the constitution. The Constitutional Court in the matter of Islamic Unity Convention, Langa DCJ observed that ' Implicit is its [s16(2)] provisions is an acknowledgment that certain expression does not deserve constitutional protection because amongst other things, it has the potential to impinge adversely on the dignity of others and cause harm....' Theodore M. Vestal writes that '...hate expressions inflict not only physical harm but also unique psychic damage on victims. Because a hate crime is directed not only at the individual victim, but also at the group to which the victim belongs, such violence tends to escalate from individual conflicts to mass disturbances by exacerbating divisions among observers who sympathize with either the victims or the attackers.' Hate Speech does not give any positive benefits to the society but simply galvanises the society towards not only prejudicial but contemptuous treatment of  the targeted group of people in a particular society. In Islamic Unity Convention v Independent Broadcasting Authority and Others 2002 (5) BCLR 433 (CC) the Constitutional Court had emphasized that freedom of expression should not be permitted to impair the exercise and enjoyment of other important rights, such as the right to dignity, other State interests and the pursuit of national unity and reconciliation.' The key issue in this observation by the Constitutional Court is that the right to dignity under the South African political context is meant to foster national unity and reconciliation among other issues. This is a critical statement which epitomises the deliberate policy pronouncement made by the founding father of the post-1994 democratic South Africa, former President Nelson Mandela that South Africa is a ‘rainbow nation’. This pronouncement meant that as different as the colours of a rainbow are so are the people of South Africa but the different colours of the rainbow blend together in unity to form one beautiful natural feature, that is a rainbow. Therefore, the different colours of the people of South Africa must blend together to form one beautiful united and racially tolerant nation. Such was the vision of Nelson Mandela that when you see a rainbow in the sky, it heralds cessation of rain and the coming of tranquillity in the natural atmosphere and as such the rainbow nation heralds unity in diversity of skin colours and cessation of previous hostilities.

Shoot the Boer Song vs. The Rainbow Nation Vision.

The rainbow nation vision of South Africa was a genuine and deliberate desire to bring about unity and reconciliation to the previously belligerent groups in South Africa. That deliberate vision ushered in a new political context for South Africa as a nation. The vision is one that stresses tolerance and unity even in the diversity of the colours of the South African people. Therefore, self-respecting Africans would not sing a song like this because it violates the new political context by preaching hatred, harm and disunity especially in an environment where the ANC government is failing to create jobs and decent basic amenities such as housing and sanitation to the previously disadvantaged people. It is not a secret that South Africa is sitting on a political time bomb because of poor service delivery and it will be irresponsible for any political leader to seek to diffuse this deadly bomb. Instead, Malema and others in the ANC must ensure that they deliver what they promised to the electorate through good governance. When political leaders in a free nation such as South Africa advocate for violence, it is a reflection of their weaknesses in governance and this is done to conceal such weaknesses by attempting to pass on the blame to the next person. Who doesn’t know that Malema is a fat cat, actually facing corruption allegations and what has he and his colleagues in government done for the South African people except lining their pockets with ill-gotten riches?

However, those that were previous masters must also not take advantage and perpetuate inequalities but must embrace change and the harmony expected in the new political context. There must be equal opportunities for all people in South Africa or else the irresponsible and opportunistic political leaders such as Malema will take advantage of the situation to foment racial hatred and ignite the political time bomb building up in South Africa.

Conclusion

Malema and the ANC are therefore wrong in singing this divisive song at their public rallies because it brings revolting effects on the beautiful rainbow nation. The song expresses and incites hatred and therefore does not deserve any protection under the new South African Constitution until such time the constitutional values of human dignity, freedom and equal treatment of all people in South Africa are changed (God forbid!).


          

 


     
 

Thursday, 1 September 2011

A New Era in Libya?

The turn of events in Libya is becoming very interesting. Gadaffi is in hiding and has threatened that Libya  will burn. At  the same time the anti-Gadaffi forces appear to have overcome the resistance of Libya's former strongman and the National Transitional Council has issued an ultimatum that if the last resisting pockets of Gadaffi forces refuses to surrender, they will descent upon them with full force all the name of liberating Libya from the evil power of their own brother albeit with the assistance of the enormous NATO fire power. The truth is that the end has already come and Gadaffi's threats are the last kicks of a a dying horse. It will eventually die. The question is does he still have the charm to galvanise the nation together and fight to reclaim Libya from the NTC forces? The fact is that this once apparently invincible character who once had an illusionary dream of a United States of Africa with him as its President has lost legitimacy to govern Libya and that is why he is in hiding. The lesson to be learnt is that political leaders must never take the people they govern for granted. Political power is like morning dew which disappears quickly when the sun rises. It is never meant to be an eternal power and this is what many politicians quickly forget when they assume power. The mistake that the 'Brother Leader' as President Jacob Zuma recently referred him as was that he either mis-timed his exit date or did not even think about it because 42 years in power is surely a life time because he thought 'his people' loved him dearly. Surprisingly, those he described as rats have 'gnawed' his power away and the 'dearly loved brother leader' is missing in action and is now resorting to stealth audio propaganda like the late Osama Bin Laden and Al Qaeda. He made the mistake of failing to recognise the winds of change. Instead he should have tried to embrace them and given himself an honourable platform for exiting from power without bloodshed.His arrogance and stubbornness cost him and now nobody knows where he is and is probably stateless. I hear that there is a conference on Libya and the South African Press has reported that South Africa is boycotting. Do they surely think the Colonel is ever coming back? Am sure his time is up and it is time for the Libyans to move on without him.It is a disgrace indeed that the South African government is refusing to recognise the will of the people  of Libya and choosing to to side with the man who is is now like a 'rat' as he used to call the NTC hiding some where in his complex tunnel system and desires to see Libya burning.The man has forgotten how he rose to power?Was it not by some kind of a revolution?And the same barrel of the gun has taken him out of power. Candidly speaking Gadaffi is no longer a political factor. This man is gone! As IFSDZ we now want to see the NTC stabilise and  properly rebuild the oil rich country, a process which must be followed putting together a new constitution and democratic insitutitions and the calling of free and fair elections in Libya. We only hope that Libya will not end up being like Iraq or Afghanistan and in this regard we urge the people of Libya to show that they are different by galvanising themselves in unity towards the goal of democratising their nation.